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Peter Beinart
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  • Do Our Rabbis Believe in God?
    Please consider supporting Medical Aid for Palestinians, which is trying to help Palestinians in Gaza and beyond.Friday Zoom CallThis Friday’s Zoom call, for paid subscribers, will be at 1 PM Eastern, our usual time. Our guest will be New York Times columnist Michelle Goldberg. We’ll talk about Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic Party, and the politics of Israel-Palestine in the age of Gaza and Trump. Please join us.Cited in Today’s VideoUSAID, Cindy McCain of the World Food Program, and even Israel’s own officials refute the claim that Israel had to shut off aid to Gaza—and shut down the UN food distribution system— because Hamas was systematically stealing aid.Nir Hasson’s report in Haaretz on Israel’s starvation of Gaza.Gideon Shimoni’s Community and Conscience: The Jews in Apartheid South Africa.Rabbi Yochanan Ben Zakkai’s blessing to his students in Tractate Berakhot of the Babylonian Talmud.Things to Read(Maybe this should be obvious, but I link to articles and videos I find provocative and significant, not necessarily ones I entirely agree with.)In Jewish Currents (subscribe!), Elisheva Goldberg writes about the Knesset’s effort to impeach Israel’s most prominent Palestinian legislator, Ayman Odeh.I spoke to Public Radio’s “The World” about antisemitism and on CNN about the starvation in Gaza.For the Foundation for Middle East Peace’s “Occupied Thoughts” podcast, I talked to University of California at Berkeley historian Ussama Makdisi about being targeted by Congressional Republicans.Alonso Gurmendi on the claim that Israel isn’t committing genocide because it could be killing more people.When American Jewish groups called out a genocide, in Myanmar.CorrectionIn last week’s video I said that Kishinev (now called Chishinau), site of the infamous 1903 pogrom, was in Ukraine. That was wrong. As my friend, the political scientist Rajan Menon explained to me: “In 1903, it was part of the Bessarabia Governorate of the Romanov Empire but not part of the Empire’s Ukrainian territories. From 1940 onward, having been part of Romania from the end of World War II, it became part of the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic within the USSR.” It is now the capital of the Republic of Moldova. My apologies.See you on Friday,PeterVIDEO TRANSCRIPT:So, this is the time of year when many rabbis begin to think about what they are going to say in their Divrei Torah, in their sermons on the yamim nora’im, the high holidays of Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, which come in the fall when they have their largest audiences, and what do they want to say about what Judaism calls us to do? And as I think about those rabbis thinking about what they’re gonna say in their most important words of the year. The question that occurs to me is: do our rabbis believe in God? Because it seems to me, if you believe in God, and you believe that human beings—all human beings, Palestinians included—are created equal, b’tzelem elohim, in the image of God, and you see what Israel is doing to Palestinians, you have no choice but to speak out as forcefully as you can against this.I would encourage the rabbis, any rabbi who’s thinking about what they’re going to say, to just spend a couple of minutes—it really only takes a couple of minutes—watching a video, or listening to a doctor who has worked in Gaza, or listening to some of the reporters who’ve been in Gaza. Within less than a minute, I think, when I do this, I’m just rendered utterly speechless by the horror that is now before us and is not hidden. This is not the Shoah. This is not a time when technology meant that we could not see these things. We can see them very easily if we want to.Just a couple of quotations from an essay in Haaretz by Nir Hasson. He talks about a doctor in Gaza who says that tens of thousands of people, mostly children, are what he calls moving skeletons, whose organs are collapsing, and have already entered the final stage of hunger. He quotes from a video of a man, a starving man, his pants held up by a rope, who is kneeling in the sand, trying to gather flour that was spilled in the sand. And the man is saying in the video, ‘I have 10 children, and they haven’t eaten anything for a week. I’m trying to sift the flour from the sand.’So, I think the question for our rabbis to ask in the face of this is whether they believe in God. If the rabbis genuinely want to claim that this is Hamas’s fault, then they’re simply lying. They’re lying. Because we now have claims from both USAID, and from the United Nations, and Cindy McCain of the World Food Program, and from Israel’s own officials that there certainly might have been incidents of Hamas or other people, you know, stealing aid. Because, after all, when people are starving, people will try to get that aid and take it for themselves. That in fact, the claim that Israel had to deny aid for 3 months, and had to shut down the UN system of distributing aid at 400 distribution centers, and move to this Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which has only 4 distribution centers. The claim that Israel had to do that because Hamas was systematically stealing aid is just a lie. It’s a lie that is now being refuted even by people inside the Israeli government, according to the New York Times.So, if we dispense with that, and rabbis ask themselves, what is God asking for me in this moment? It seems to me the question is one has to speak. And the reason I ask whether these rabbis believe in God is that when I hear from rabbis, and I hear from people who have talked to rabbis about what they don’t speak, what I hear again and again is they are afraid of their response from their congregants, that they’re afraid that there will be people in their communities who get very angry at them, and perhaps who even imperil their jobs. And it seems to me this is a fundamental misunderstanding of what a rabbi is supposed to do. That, yes, of course a rabbi needs to be concerned about what their congregants, what Jews feel. But their fundamental, their higher obligation, is to try to wrestle with the question of what God wants for them.In the Talmud and Masechet Brachot, Rabbi Yohanan ben Zakai, who is dying, speaks to his students, and the students say, ‘bless us.’ And the blessing he gives is: ‘may it be God’s will that the fear of heaven should be as important to you as the fear of human beings.’ And the students say, ‘is that all? That’s the blessing?’ And he says, ‘would that you were able to attain this level of spirituality, you can see how difficult it is, because when someone wants to commit a sin, they say, I hope no one will see me, placing his fear of human beings above the fear of God, who sees all.’ The fear of God who sees all. Rabbis, it seems to me, are far too afraid of what their congregants will say about them, and not nearly afraid enough of what Rabbi Yohanan ben Zakai encouraged his students to be fearful of, which is their encounter with God.You know, I often think about these things because of my own family background against the background of apartheid South Africa when so many South African rabbis used the excuse of not wanting to be out of touch with their congregants, to keep silent in the face of horror. And there’s one particular story that stuck with me. This is from a book called Community and Conscience about Jews in apartheid South Africa by Gideon Shimoni. And he tells the story of a Reform rabbi named Andre Unger, a 25-year-old young Reform rabbi in the city of Port Elizabeth, actually, the city where part of my family comes from.And in 1955, Andre Unger said publicly that race hatred is an atrocity. And he spoke out about something called the Group Areas Act, which was the deportation of large numbers of Black South Africans from urban areas into remote areas so that these urban areas could become white-only areas. And Andre Unger said the Group Areas Act is a despicable atrocity. And what happened after Andre Unger said this? The Eastern Providence Board of Jewish Deputies, the Jewish communal organization in Port Elizabeth, said he had spoken neither for his own congregation nor for South African Jewry as a whole. They said, basically, he was wrong because he didn’t speak for his community or for South African Jews.And the chief minister of the United Progressive Jewish Congregation, so the kind of most prominent Reform rabbi in all of South Africa, a man named Moses Weiler, condemned what Unger said, because he said, ‘a rabbi who was not one with his congregation was a failure.’ That a rabbi who does not represent and speak for his congregation is a failure. And this young Reform rabbi, Andre Unger, was forced to leave the country.And so, the question that I would urge American rabbis to sit with in this period, now moving into the yamim nora’im, is do you want to be Andre Unger, or do you want to be Moses Weiler? Do you want to stay on the right side of your congregants, or part of your congregants, or do you want to be able to honestly face God? Because that is your fundamental obligation. Andre Unger was forced out of South Africa. You could potentially risk your job. It’s not the worst thing in the world. The worst thing in the world will be in your final moments as you, a person of faith. Contemplates your encounter with baraku, with the Almighty, to think in those final moments, that in a moment of unprecedented horror, in a moment of what more and more legal scholars consensus believe is a genocide, that you held your tongue. You should be afraid of that. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit peterbeinart.substack.com/subscribe
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  • How a Mind is Changed
    This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comOur guest is Aharon Dardik, a Columbia University undergraduate with a remarkable story. The son of an orthodox rabbi, he spent part of his childhood in a religious settlement in the West Bank. After studying in yeshiva in Israel, he went to prison rather than serve in the Israeli military, and then enrolled at Columbia, where after October 7 he founded Columbia Jews for Ceasefire. Earlier this year, he was among the Jewish students who chained themselves to a gate to protest the university’s complicity in the detention of Mahmoud Khalil.
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  • More deaths than Kishinev, Sharpeville or Bloody Sunday. Every Day.
    Every week I link to the GoFundMe page for Hossam and Mariam Alzweidi, who live in Gaza with their four children and have been injured by Israeli bombs and displaced ten times since October 7, and are trying to leave. I know putting up a Go Fund Me for one family is totally inadequate given the scale of the horror in Gaza, and the millions of people there who need our help— and most of all, need an end to this monstrous slaughter. Still, it’s something.Please considering helping.Friday Zoom CallThis Friday’s Zoom call, for paid subscribers, will be at 1 PM Eastern, our usual time. Our guest will be Aharon Dardik, a Columbia University undergraduate with a remarkable story. The son of an orthodox rabbi, he spent part of his childhood in a religious settlement in the West Bank. After studying in yeshiva in Israel, he went to prison rather than serve in the Israeli military, and then enrolled at Columbia, where after October 7 he founded Columbia Jews for Ceasefire. Earlier this year, he was among the Jewish students who chained themselves to a gate to protest the university’s complicity in the detention of Mahmoud Khalil. How does someone so young challenge so much of what he has been taught and then endure the consequences of that rupture? We’ll talk about that this Friday.Ask Me AnythingLast week’s Ask Me Anything session, for premium subscribers, was rescheduled for technical reasons. We will meet this Wednesday, July 23, from 3-4 PM Eastern time.Cited in Today’s VideoHaaretz on Michael Spagat and Khalil Shikaki’s estimate that 100,000 people have been killed in Gaza.Things to Read(Maybe this should be obvious, but I link to articles and videos I find provocative and significant, not necessarily ones I entirely agree with.)In Jewish Currents (subscribe!), Kim Phillips-Fein writes about Fiorello LaGuardia’s lessons for Zohran Mamdani.Omer Bartov on why he believes Israel is committing genocide.Adam Shatz on the 12 Day war.An interviewer challenges former Israeli Ambassador Michael Oren about Israel’s plan for a “humanitarian city” in Gaza.Hannah Habtu on the assault on the people of Tigray.For The Foundation for Middle East Peace’s Occupied Thoughts podcast, I talked with Iyad El-Baghdadi about Israel’s vision of the Middle East.Imagine if every Democrat spoke this way about Israel and Palestine.Shaul Magid reflects on a “Nero moment” for Jews. See you on Wednesday and Friday,PeterVIDEO TRANSCRIPT:So, one of the most difficult and depressing things about this moment is that the slaughter in Gaza goes on and on and on. And yet, it’s been relegated, you know, to the back pages of the newspaper. Americans are now more consumed by our own catastrophes. And so, there’s this way in which we’ve normalized, you know, in Western media discussion in the U.S, there’s been a kind of normalization of just that is kind of routine, that every day Palestinians are dying more and more and more. And it doesn’t even really provoke that much conversation anymore. And I’ve been thinking about how you can respond to that. And obviously the people who have tried the most are the Palestinians in Gaza themselves, journalists and others who are desperately kind of recording what’s happening to them and trying to speak to the outside world. And I think one of the things that people have done very powerfully is to highlight individual stories of individuals who’ve died. Um, uh, in order to kind of humanize the people and remind us of them.But I also think there perhaps is a value in just trying to step back and look at the scale of this, and think about how desensitized we’ve become compared to other moments and places in history. So, there’s a British academic named Michael Spagat—I actually quote him in my book—at the University of London, and he basically counts death in wars. That’s his academic specialty. He did this very, very large study with the Palestinian political scientist Khalil Shakaki where they surveyed 2,000 households in Gaza in order to try to get a more accurate count of the death toll. Because the irony is that although people were constantly, especially early on after October 7th, claiming that the quote-unquote ‘Hamas’ health ministry could not be trusted, it was massively inflating the numbers, that I think overwhelmingly, the scholarly consensus is that the numbers from the Gaza Health Ministry are way too low. And it’s not hard to understand why, because they’re basically counting bodies that come to hospital morgues. But anyone who just looks at a picture of Gaza can understand that many, many people will have died and not made it to hospital morgues.So, Spagat and Shikaki do this very, very large survey, and they come to the conclusion that as of January 2025, that the number of people who were directly killed in a violent death was about 75,000, the vast majority of them killed by Israeli arms. But then people who study deaths in wars also recognize that there are going to be another group of people who die from disease, from hunger, and there are kind of various ratios that people tend to look at in terms of the numbers who die from direct attack versus the numbers who die from disease or lack of medicine.And obviously, in Gaza, where many of the hospitals have been destroyed, and there’s been many, many reports of widespread starvation that there would be considerable deaths from that as well. And so, of the overall death toll that Spagat comes to the number of about 100,000, which, as Haaretz reported in a piece about his research, is actually not very different from some other researchers at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine who’ve come to a roughly similar number.So, if one uses that figure of 100,000, that would mean that more than 150 Palestinians in Gaza have been killed per day since October 7th. More than 150 per day. And just if we step back, and think about those numbers, and try to put them in some context, in 1960, there was a very, very famous episode in the history of the struggle against apartheid in South Africa called the Sharpeville Massacre. A township called Sharpeville, where Black South Africans were protesting these past laws that denied them the right to move freely throughout the country. The police opened fire. And this was a turning point in South African history. It was actually the Sharpeville Massacre that produced so much outrage around the world that South Africa was kicked out of the Commonwealth of Nations. This massacre led the African National Congress under Nelson Mandela to move away from nonviolence and to turn towards armed resistance.This was one of the most famous episodes in the history of South African apartheid brutality. There were 69 people killed by the South African police in Sharpeville in 1960. Sixty-nine. One hundred fifty in Gaza are dying per day. If you think about the history of Northern Ireland, perhaps the most famous date in what’s known as the Troubles, the kind of modern history of Northern Ireland, is a day in 1972 called Bloody Sunday where Catholic civil rights marchers who were protesting detention without trial, marched through the town of Derry, where they were attacked by Protestant mobs with the complicity of the police. This is a very, very famous, kind of considered a turning point in the history of Northern Ireland. It was after Bloody Sunday, it was declared a National Day of Mourning in Ireland. The British Chancellery in Dublin was burned to the ground. John Lennon and Paul McCartney, and later U2, all wrote songs that referenced Bloody Sunday.As with Sharpeville, this also led to a turn to violent resistance, so it was a huge spike in support for the provisional IRA and their armed resistance campaign after Bloody Sunday in 1972. Twenty-six people were killed by Protestants and by British military forces and Protestant forces in 1972. Twenty-six people in that moment. That is, again, one of the most signature moments of the violence of Protestant forces and the British state in Northern Ireland. Twenty-six. One hundred fifty in Gaza are dying per day.If we think about the most famous moments of slaughter in the Civil Rights Movement. The Birmingham church bombing in 1963, where four girls were killed. The Selma to Montgomery marches in 1965, where the brutality by Southern racist police was so great that Lyndon Baines Johnson called it ‘a turning point in man’s unending search for freedom.’ Martin Luther King’s march from Selma to Montgomery was considered so important. In that march in 1964, four civil rights marchers died.In 1903, probably the most famous pogrom in Jewish history, in Kishinev in what’s now Ukraine, which sparked this kind of one of the most famous poems in Jewish history, in modern Jewish history, and indeed in Zionist history, Hayyim Nahman Bialik’s poem, ‘The City of Slaughter.’ In the Kishinev program in 1903, 50 Jews were killed.Now, I don’t say any of this to minimize the horrors of those events. Quite the contrary. The point is that even these episodes that we think of as so central to the history of brutality and oppression, many of them had death tolls that were far, far lower than what happens on a random day in Gaza when it doesn’t even make the front page. Now, obviously, of course, there are other episodes in history where the numbers of people killed on a given day are larger, even far higher than Gaza. But 150 people killed per day over 650 days is really just an astonishing level of death and suffering that has been normalized.Even if we think about the horrors, the horrors, the war crimes committed on October 7th, where roughly 1,200 Israelis, mostly Israeli Jews, were killed, right? If you just think in terms of the numbers, there is basically a close to an October 7th in Gaza, in terms of the number of people killed, every week, right? Every week for now 21 months. And the band just kind of plays on, right? It’s considered that this is just, this is noise now in the backdrops of so many of our lives. And I think this is what’s so chilling, so deeply chilling about this moment is that this is an experiment in how the lives of one particular group of people can be made to seem so cheap. That you can have 150 people killed per day, you know, over 650 days, and yet, you know, much of the world reacts with a shrug, and the world continues to give Israel the military and diplomatic support to make it possible.And I think that’s one of the things that people are going to be struggling to face and deal with, and contemplate, and understand about those of us who are alive in this moment. How—when there were other moments in history where far fewer people died, and it sparked the conscience of the world, and led to fundamental political change—how can it be that in this case that this can just be tolerated? I think all of us are going to be living with that question for a very, very long time. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit peterbeinart.substack.com/subscribe
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  • Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert
    This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comOur guest is former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. He has recently called Israel’s assault on Gaza a “war of devastation: indiscriminate, limitless, cruel” but denies that Israel is committing genocide and believes its actions were legitimate until the spring of 2024.
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  • Why Two Chicago Jews Undertook a Hunger Strike for Gaza
    This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit peterbeinart.substack.comI spoke with Avey Rips and Seph Mozes, two members of Jewish Voice for Peace Chicago, who recently participated in a hunger strike to protest the starvation of Palestinians in Gaza.We talked about…Why they took this extreme stepThe responses they gotHow historic victimization of Jews leads some to compassion and others to tribalismAspects of Jewish tradition that informed their decisionWhat 18 days of hunger taught them about what Gazans are going throughWhat they feel was achieved
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